Managing commercial risks in open source software licensing

Legal context: The article reviews the commercial risk allocation clauses intypical open source licence terms and discusses their enforceabilityand implications. Key points: The enforceability of warranty disclaimers and limitation ofliability clauses in common open source licence terms is questionable,particularly in a cross-border context, and commercial licensorsshould take additional steps to protect themselves from down-streamrisks. Practical significance: Open source software presents a number of unusual commercialissues, because it is available free of charge and the providerstry to disclaim warranties and liabilities. End users and resellershave to adjust their own in- and out-licensing models to accommodatethis situation.     

中国财政法治化创新的法哲学解析

以财政法治化为制度目标 ,根据政府对经济运行的控管程度 ,中国财政制度理论类型可分为“计划类型”、“管理类型”、“服务类型”三类。由于政府在财政理论中的主线作用 ,中国财政法治化创新将引发“社会公共需要的制度化满足”、“权力制衡秩序的完善”、“有限政府理念的确立”、“国家责任机制的启动”、“弱势群体利益的制度化保障”、“区域财政资源不济的公平性协调”等法哲学问题。财政法治化创新体现了“权利本位”的法律精神 ,公共财政制度内涵应是对“以人为本”价值的制度化确认。     

民事诉讼是否可以附带行政诉讼

在行政争议与民事争议交错发生、民事争议与具体行政行为关联的情况下,争议的当事人可以有不同的诉讼选择,但诉讼的最终目的都是为了确定民事权利。建立民事诉讼附带行政诉讼制度有其充分的必要性与合理性。民事诉讼附带行政诉讼可以扩大审判权对行政权的制约监督范围,有利于提高司法效率、维护司法统一,充分保障公民、法人或其它组织的合法权益。     

节能基本法若干问题思考

节约能源基本法律制度需要对若干重要问题进行规范,以尽快落实节能战略并保障节能规划目标的实现。包括改变财政补贴方向,向精确供能技术、设备及用能产品技术进步倾斜;分布式能源与集中供能并举;大力培育节能中介服务机构;政府机构节能法制化;强调义务本位、严格法律责任等。     

携带电话消费者的权利维护——从法律视角关注不良短信问题

近年我国出现了诸多不良短信问题,如短信污染、短信欺诈、手机病毒等,严重侵害了手机消费者的合法权益,短信服务市场的状况令人堪忧。而造成短信服务市场失范的一个重要原因是电信运营商没有忠实履行自己善良管理人的注意义务,没有为消费者提供安全的电信服务。要解决出现的不良短信问题和规制运营商的服务,应从电信业务经营者的行业自律、加强电信立法、实施有效监管、建立合理的诉讼程序等方面着手,以期使短信服务市场规范有序,真正维护手机消费者的权利。     

Stammwähler und die opportunistische Wahl parteipolitischer Programme

This article explains political radicalism by the number of voters who are biased towards a party. With little voters biased in favor of a party, this party has to rely more heavily on its programmatic distance to other parties. Because large parties – i.e.: parties with a high number of biased voters – gain votes when they move to the center of the political spectrum, parties with a lower number of voters that are biased in their favor are forced to the edges of the policy space. We draw on a computational model of political competition between four parties in a two‐dimensional policy space to investigate this relationship. We use panel corrected OLS estimates to analyze the data generated by the computer simulation. Our results substantiate the hypothesis of a negative relationship between the number of biased voters and the inclination of a party to adopt a more extreme policy stance.     

当前我国财税法研究十大热点问题

随着我国财政体制改革的不断深入和加入WTO后的现实要求,加强我国相关财税法的理论研究日益重要。当前我国财税法学研究的十大热点问题是:《政府采购法》的出台、《预算法》的修改、《国债法》的制定、《转移支付法》的制定、新《税收征管法》及其新《实施细则》、诚信纳税问题、实质课税原则、纳税人权利及其保护、WTO影响下的中国税法和依法治税问题。总结和评论这些热点问题的研究现状和存在问题有助于推动财税法学的研究。     

Social networks and non‐market strategy

To date, the field of non‐market strategy has little to offer in the way of an integrated perspective on the simultaneous management of strategic issues and corporate stakeholders. This paper employs social network analysis to make a number of theoretically grounded conjectures about the delicate relationships between stakeholder behaviour and issue evolution. It is found that social network analysis has the potential to enrich and integrate theoretical perspectives in the field of non‐market strategy, offering solutions to a set of previously unresolved puzzles. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications     

马克思主义法学在当代中国的难题

变化和开放是马克思主义学说发展的必要条件.马克思主义法学的基本理论渊源于科学社会主义,在当代中国,其支柱和支点理论受到了不同程度的挑战.关于"马克思主义法学"概念、法的本质属性、法功能的局限性、法学研究方法、法的主体和客体、法学的基本问题和基本范畴、法与科学技术的关系、西方法学思想价值的重新评价、中国传统法文化的整理、马克思主义法学在当代中国发展的百年历史的梳理和总结,及国内法与国际法的衔接点和转化系统的系统研究,是马克思主义法学在当代中国发展所面临的十大难题.     

How is it Possible for Democracies to Effectively Tackle Long-Term Problems?

ABSTRACT

The aim of this essay is to examine if and how it is possible for the political system of democracy to effectively tackle long-term public problems that are wicked in nature, taking climate crisis as an example. It consists of four sections. The first section is devoted to a brief historical overview of the conflict between eco-authoritarianism and ecological democracy. The following section examines if and to what extent “environmental pessimism” – disillusionment with the ability of liberal/capitalist democracies to effectively tackle long-term environmental problems – which has made a remarkable comeback since late 1980s, is empirically grounded, on the basis of performance evaluation of the contracting parties to the Kyoto Protocol (adopted on 11 December 1997 and entered into force on 16 February 2005), and the Climate Change Performance Index that evaluates and ranks the climate mitigation performance of 58 countries responsible for over 90 per cent of global energy-related CO₂ emissions, released every year by Germanwatch and Climate Action Network Europe. The third section focuses on more theoretical/normative issues, critically examining the cogency of a claim, made by no small number of environmental pessimists, that democratic institutions, due to their myopic tendencies, usually work systematically to the disadvantage of future generations. The last section is devoted to the examination of measures thus far advocated and partly put into practice for correcting the myopic tendencies of democracy, emphasizing the vital need for non-representative measures, or self-restraint mechanisms built into democracy itself, whose primary function lies in preventing democracy from degenerating due to the influence of the myopic majority, thereby protecting ecological sustainability and the well-being of future generations.